gromit

Archive for January 2008

闲扯两句

In global warming on January 31, 2008 at 5:26 pm

暴忙,有两句话还得说说。牛博网上一位同学翻译Gavin Schmidt的一个帖子,涉及的是他和Roger Pielke Jr.最近的争论,这位同学说这不涉及专业知识,更好的说法是,这没有什么专业知识可以涉及(R. Pielke Jr.不是气象学家,研究的是科学政策),而主要是对统计数据的interpretation。更有趣的是,这位“专家”翻译的争论中一方的观点,并指点观众看不懂也可以只看简单的结论。

数据的interpretation哪种合理,必然和诠释的过程关联,这位“专家”要求观众丢掉大脑,直接去相信辩论中一方的结论。

Roger Pielke Jr.的blog地址是: http://sciencepolicy.colorado.edu/prometheus/

相关文章后又Gavin Schmidt的跟贴——我记得最后一帖是用“都不晓得你在搞什么”之类的话收尾。

Roger Pielke Jr.的父亲Roger Pielke Sr.气象学家,而且还是不错的学者,也是一对AGW理论持怀疑态度的人。政治正确的罗永浩同学有一次评论他人评论环保的帖子中询问哪里有反对AGW理论的科学家,要“让我们一起去干他”,我建议罗永浩写信给R. Pielke Sr.去“干”,不知道是不是只能用口的。

我记得是Steve McIntyre说过一段话,大概的意思是如果信息不完全确定,作为政策决策人又必须做出决策,应该去听科学家中的大多数观点,但是希望了解事情本身的则应该更全面地了解信息。我很同意这种看法。

智能

In funny on January 25, 2008 at 11:36 pm

微软研究院的成果。有的字不能输,比如“操”、“做爱”等等。

第一幅对联。

第二幅,真事

自由城的囚徒

In Hu Jia, china on January 19, 2008 at 7:38 pm

告诉你什么是“自信的大国”。

作现代人

In Demos Chiang, Taiwan on January 15, 2008 at 12:03 am

向来不关心台湾的事情(“台湾政局”、“美国选情”、“四年一度的好戏”不过是傻屄记者、傻屄新新闻人冒充快译通的秀场),今天跟着链接的链接的链接溜达到蒋友柏的blog,看了几段文章,这位蒋家的后人真的是没有什么家族包袱了,没有捍卫家族、也没有捍卫那个党章里仍然供着自己曾祖父的党,甚至比大陆最近涌现的一批奉蒋总统为圣的柿油复古派系更像在谈论外人。其中一篇文章末尾写到“「去蔣」是為了結束一個時代,為的是讓我們進入一個更民主文明更適合人生存的「後蔣」時代”,和对岸的那位恨不得要“我爷爷”复活过来供他添屁眼的猪头孙相比,高下立现。

(文章中提到的Rummel著Death By Government网址为 http://www.hawaii.edu/powerkills/NOTE1.HTM,数字是不是那么多我没去研究。)

摘自<白木的新年新希望>

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有些網友的留言說我是「不孝子孫」,批評自己的先祖,以討好對方陣營;還強調兩蔣時期的豐功偉業和他們在中國、台灣甚至全世界都有他們不容抹煞的歷史地位;也有網友留言強調他們「殺人魔王」的事實,不容我在網路上發表幾篇文章就想要化之於無形。這就是我最怕的,只要台灣繼續有一群人想要把兩蔣留在神壇上,而同時又有另一群人在他們過世那麼長一段時間後依然恨之入骨,那就會給藍綠兩黨一個很大的空間在選舉時拿兩蔣當圖騰來做「fear」的選舉操作,而每次當藍綠這兩黨為了選票在廉價似地操作兩蔣的時候,困擾的是我的家人,傷害的是整個台灣。

兩蔣有沒有做錯事?當然有。

除非你把自己的心給鎖死,否則就算是你把眼睛遮起來、耳朵掩起來,在這個Web 2.0的時代,你不主動去尋找這些資訊,這些資訊也會在你無意識中映入你的眼簾;假如你對228事件在經過那麼多人的研究後,還有存疑,那就先不談228;但就已經被公開了的那麼多的我曾祖父親筆批示的「死刑可也」的文件;還有一個與我們族群無關的外國人,夏威夷大學R.J. Rummel教授寫的「Death By Government」裡的那份20世紀全世界十大政府殺人的資料裡,我曾祖父於1921年到1948年所帶領的國民政府總共殺害約1000萬中國人,僅次於史達林、毛澤東與希特勒排名第四;你當然可以說這個統計數字不公正、不準確,那就算打一折,也有100萬;你當然也可以說那是那個時代的背景因素,有它不得不然的原因(我自己個人也深深地相信這個論點);但是當時的政府就是殺了那麼多人,雖然殺人並不是我曾祖父親手扣的板機,但畢竟他在當時代表的是那個執行的政府。

在我祖父執政時代裡的1984年,發生在美國的江南案,一個美籍華人因為他寫了一本「蔣經國傳」而在自家車庫被暗殺,他的遺孀崔蓉芝在美國控告我們政府;當時的軍事情報局長汪希苓也因為來自美國政府的壓力而被我國的司法單位依殺人罪,判處無期徒刑;前一陣子才開放給民眾參觀的「台灣人權景美園區」,我從新聞報導裡清楚地看到「汪希苓牢房特區」不但有套房、會客室與書房,甚至還有廚房,據說他的家人還可以隨時前往與他同住。假如汪希苓當時的這個暗殺行為完全與國民黨政府無關,那為什麼他在監獄裡可以享受這個特權?而當時的政府為什麼又要給崔蓉芝145萬美元人道補償金以求在美國法庭上的和解?除了這個江南案;幾乎就在同一段時間,還發生了尚未偵破的陳文成命案與林宅血案,還有讓日後的辯護律師群上台主政的轟動一時的美麗島事件。

你以為我知道這些事情後很高興嗎?當我看這些資料的時候,做為一個後代子孫,我心中也是充滿著不願意面對事實的否認與直覺上的排斥;當我看過這些事實的報導,逐漸地在自己心中做出「兩蔣也有做錯事」這個結論時,這已經狠狠地推翻了我從小被教導的根深柢固的價值;從自己在心中做出這樣的結論,到能夠坦然地與他人談論這樣的話題,這中間,我花了很長的一段「內心掙扎與困擾的歲月」。事實就是在那裡,一味地否認並不會就使這些事件從歷史紀錄裡消失。我認為最好的方式只有以健康的心態正面地面對這些歷史事實,並盡量做出補償;即使我個人因為無能為力而只能口頭方式表達來自隔代的歉意。

…………

摘自<帶著屬於後輩家人的感傷看「反蔣、去蔣與移靈」>

  …………
剛開始聽到「去蔣」這個詞的時候,我個人做為蔣家的一份子,難免會有一點感傷;但是當我仔細去看這件事的時候,那「一點感傷」很快就消失無蹤了。

我很快就發覺好像綠營的人沒有人在講「去蔣」,反而「去蔣」、「去中國化」這些詞都是藍營的人在講的。我最近幾年的觀察,民進黨與國民黨不習慣也不懂得用正面的方式來操作競選策略,每次到了選舉,這兩個黨用的都是負面的策略;他們沒辦法帶給選民「hope」,卻很會操作「fear」;綠營總是不斷地提醒民眾以前國民黨時代做的一些錯事,國民黨政權如何在中國大陸戰敗、如何在台灣實施獨裁統治、二二八、白色恐怖、美麗島事件,一連串抗爭、犧牲追求民主的歷史過程,不斷地重複向選民提醒那一段歲月,勾起他們不愉快的回憶,再把這一段不愉快的回憶跟國民黨畫上等號。而藍營的選舉策略也是一樣,不斷地提醒他們的選民,說什麼民進選贏了就會「去蔣」、「去中國化」、把外省人趕走、把軍方眷村和公務員的福利取消…等等,兩黨全部都是操作「fear」的策略來恐嚇選民把票投給他們。

所以從今年年初開始吵得沸沸揚揚的「拆除中正紀念堂」事件,一開始我就認為這是民進黨2008大選策略中的一步棋,而國民黨卻相同的把這件事與「fear」連在一起,而倒楣的是我們這幾個蔣家的後代,因為沒有政治利益而必須選擇相信人民選出來的政府對民主的規劃而沉默,但又卻因為少數人的政治利益,無端地被捲進去這個事端裡。

這個「去蔣」、「拆除中正紀念堂」或「拆除銅像」的事件,就像移靈一樣,我必須從國事、黨事、家事、三個角度來說明我的觀點。

國民黨因為已經失去調整自己的能力,他們必須沉浸在自我肯定的價值中而難以自拔,他們不想也不敢懷疑以前深植的觀念,而想要保留中正紀念堂作為緬懷過往光輝的精神象徵。而且這個中正紀念堂不只可以作為藍營的精神象徵,還可以用來暗示選民民進黨隨時有可能把這個精神燈塔拆掉,來動員藍營的選民們,這個方法既便宜又好用。

而對民進黨觀點來講,中正紀念堂不拆比拆好;拆了以後,就少掉一個可以攻擊的標靶,把中正紀念堂與銅像留在那邊,每次選舉都可以用來凝聚選民的士氣;對民進黨來說,這個方法也是既便宜又好用。所以,今年年初當他們說要拆中正紀念堂圍牆的時候,我就建議我母親保持中立;沒想到藍營有些人士居然跟著起舞,還破天荒地把它列為暫定古蹟。我接下來就開始擔心國民黨會為了鞏固選票繼續衍生此議題,因為再往下走,民進黨一定會順水推舟地把它列為「正式古蹟」保護起來,至少還可以有20年的時間可以用它來動員選民與選票。果然,民進黨已經將計就計地把中正紀念堂定為國家古蹟,這真是高招。不拆建築,不拆銅像,他們只要改變一些裝修與文字解說,把它定位在提醒台灣曾經經歷過一段獨裁專制的歷史,如何解讀中正紀念堂的存在現在歸民進黨政府所管,台北市政府雖將它定為暫訂古蹟卻已經完全失去「歷史詮釋」的主導權。

做為一個蔣家的後代,尤其是我選擇住在台灣、生根在台灣、讓我的小孩在台灣成長受教育,我當然不希望我的小孩受到不好的影響,所以我會很期望這些對的、不對的都可以變成歷史的一部份,而不要再拿出來天天吵。

我從來沒有想要加入國民黨,我父母也從來沒有想要影響我加入國民黨,所以,我過去沒加入國民黨,未來也不會加入國民黨;雖然我不是國民黨員,但是他們做了很多的事會影響我的家庭以及我的下一代,所以逼得我不得不講一些話。

我不曉得我的後代將如何看那尊銅像、看這個在市中心佔地幾千坪的紀念堂,但是至少我知道那個銅像是錯的;要樹立銅像要蓋紀念堂,也要等他死後100年(至少也要50年)再蓋,假如50年後、100年後的人民會想要替你鑄銅像蓋紀念堂,那就表示你真的是偉大。現在的課題是,我們市政府可以在自由廣場的拱門下用Humanity, Braveness, and Justice檢視在台灣存在的過去、現在、與未來?

我個人可以理解也某種程度地贊成「去蔣」的所有行動,但是,我個人希望「去蔣」的目的不是只是在選舉的時候操弄選民的手段,「評論兩蔣在台灣的功與過」這件事應該交給歷史以各個面向以及公正的學術態度去執行。我個人衷心的希望在這一連串的「去蔣」行動之後,能夠給台灣一個思考的空間,讓我們的理智清楚的認知「去蔣」是為了結束一個時代,為的是讓我們進入一個更民主文明更適合人生存的「後蔣」時代。

logic test

In Logic-test on January 14, 2008 at 11:52 am

非常有意思的逻辑测试,一共7个题目,都是给出一个或多个前提(P),让你判断题目中给出的结论(C)哪些是可以从前提P推得的(follows),哪些不是的(doesn’t follow)。

要注意的:

1,你的前提仅仅是那些题目给出的前提,不要因为自己的常识无意中给题目增加了前提;
2,这不是智商测试;
3,提交答案后,会告诉你错的题目为什么错。

链接: http://www.begriffslogik.de/logiktest_en.html

真理化摘要

In china, funny on January 11, 2008 at 12:11 am

今天看见一来源新华网的文章,“摘要”了基督教科学箴言报上一篇Terry Hong写的文章,内容是关于哈金的小说“A Free Life”。我买过哈金的两本小说——“War Trash”和“The Crazed”,前者说韩战中方战俘在战俘营的分化和回国后的遭遇,后者则是以六四时期的大学为背景,当然都不符合真理部的口味。下面的红字是新华网的“真理化摘要”省略的部分,不谈Terry Hong的文章本身如何,“真理化摘要”的性趋向是很明了的。

有意思的是这篇文章还大陆华人的海外网站也多有转贴,在这个欣欣向荣的时代,谁说俺们没有价值观的输出?谁说俺们的同学没见过世界?

Like Nan, Jin arrived on US shores as a graduate student who intended to return home, but abandoned those plans after the Tiananmen Square massacre. Unlike Nan, Jin finished his degree and continued on to pursue a teaching career – he’s now an English professor at Boston University.

Jin’s decision almost two decades ago to write fiction only in English set him on a deliberate journey away from China. Choosing English as his literary language marked a process of distancing himself, and yet Jin remained attached to the China of his memories by recreating his birth country in his some of his earlier books.

With “War Trash,” Jin took a step away from China into Korea, with a brief prologue set in Atlanta. Now with “A Free Life,” Jin sets firm roots on American soil.

As Nan finally comes to realize, “a free life” has a high price. Chasing the so-called American dream – with all its trappings of accumulation and wealth – is anything but free. True freedom is the freedom to fail … or not. Jin has taken risks throughout his career, but here he proves yet again that failure is not a part of his vocabulary.

与吴楠一样,哈金也是为攻读研究生学位来到美国的,原本打算学成后回国,但最终放弃了回国计划。与吴楠不同的是,哈金拿到了学位,并接着投身教学生涯,现在是波士顿大学的英语教授。

哈金在近20年前决定只用英语进行创作,于是逐渐离中国越来越远。

吴楠最终意识到,”自由的生活”有着高昂的代价。在追寻所谓”美国梦”的旅途上恰恰没有自由。真正的自由是失败的自由–或者拒绝失败的自由。

鸡价研究

In Uncategorized on January 9, 2008 at 8:29 pm

根据O’Hara的blogFreakonomics的作者、芝加哥大学经济学家Steven Levitt合作了一个关于芝加哥街头妓女的研究(PDF)。妓女作为一个高风险职业,小时收入约$25-$30,根据顾客人种、生客熟客、以及性交方式有所区别(PDF文件最后有表格,在芝加哥的同学可以算算自己是否挨宰了)。

有意思的是根据此报告,警察叔叔和黑社会人士都会以不逮捕或者“保护”妓女为由获得免费射鸡的鸡会:

There is a surprisingly high prevalence of police officers demanding sex from prostitutes in return for avoiding arrest. For prostitutes who do not work with pimps (and thus are working the streets), roughly three percent of all their tricks are freebies given to police.

Approximately one in twenty tricks performed by prostitutes are “freebies,” either to police officers or gang members, to avoid arrest or in return for protection from the gang. Women working with pimps have much lower rates of these extortionary sex acts.

(转贴)Daniel B. Botkin: Science and soothsaying

In global warming on January 8, 2008 at 3:20 pm

Science and soothsaying
By Daniel B. Botkin
Friday, December 28, 2007NEW YORK:

Now that the Bali conference is over and climate scientists have warned us again about the dire predictions of their climate models, a question remains: Will their forecasts come true? Given the current international focus on global warming, you would think that, in 10, 15 or 20 years, many people will want to know whether today’s predictions proved accurate.

But, in fact, people rarely look back to see if their old forecasts were on the mark. Foretelling the future has always been difficult and almost always wrong. Charles Mackay, in his wonderful 1841 book “Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds,” observes that the so-called necromancers of earlier centuries who purported to divine the future were grouped with the worst alchemists. Today, however, computers seem to have undermined our natural skepticism. Many of us put our faith in complex software that most of us cannot understand.

My own experience makes me skeptical of how environmental forecasting is being used. In 1991, several colleagues and I drew national and international attention when we used a computer model to forecast possible effects of global warming on an endangered species. Our computer program forecast that the Kirtland’s warbler, the first songbird in America ever subjected to a complete census, would likely face extinction by 2010. Its habitat, jack pine trees, would be unable to thrive in conditions that climate computer programs forecast for southern Michigan, the only place and only trees where the bird nested.

The computer told us these declines should be measurable even in the year we made the forecast. We suggested that measurements of jack pine growth be started to verify the forecasts and to see whether the potential effects of global warming on the diversity of life were actually occurring. People could have started going to southern Michigan to check out our forecasts 16 years ago. Nobody did. I tried to get funding to do this, but no government agency or private foundation was interested.

Even today, amid the furor over global warming, no one is rushing out to verify that it does indeed threaten the Michigan jack pine. (But, happily, independent action by the government, the Audubon Society and private individuals has brought the Kirtland’s warbler back from the brink of extinction.)

What could explain the lack of interest in verifying a dated computer forecast? After all, computer forecasts are the basis for the current alarm. Did people perhaps decide that a 16-year-old forecast had to have been based on inferior methods?

But wait a minute. Given the usual progress of science, won’t forecasting methods in the future always be better than in the past? What this suggests is that today the primary uses of, and interest in, such forecasts are political, not scientific – that scientists as well as politicians are using forecasts for political and ideological purposes to influence public behavior here and now.

The question is not really whether the forecasts are scientifically valid, but how much impetus they can provide to influence society.

It wasn’t always this way. In the 1960s, when research into global warming was just beginning, it seemed impossible that people could change the global environment; the Earth was just too big. Charles Lyell, the father of modern geology, considered the possibility in detail in the mid-19th century and decided it was impossible because the mass of living things amounted to less than a drop in the bucket compared to the weight of all the materials in the oceans, atmosphere, soil and rocks.

In the 1970s, however, scientists began to realize that life had in fact greatly changed the Earth’s environment, starting more than a billion years ago. At the same time, evidence was building that burning fossil fuels was increasing the atmospheric concentration of carbon dioxide. In 1957, Charles Keeling began the first continuous measurements to study carbon-dioxide change over time at Mauna Loa, Hawaii. By 1973, he reported at a landmark conference at Brookhaven National Laboratory on “Carbon and the Biosphere” that carbon dioxide showed a definite increase in 15 years, consistent with releases from burning fossil fuels. For those of us working on these issues, the scientific and environmental implications were vast.

Global environmental change began to become a political issue in the 1980s. Climatologists and astrophysicists showed that a nuclear war could put so much dust in the air that disastrous cooling would occur, the infamous nuclear winter. With the end of the Cold War, the focus shifted to global warming. At that time, climatologists explained that their computer models were crude approximations of the real atmosphere and pushed the limit of computer technology, requiring months of computing for a single simulation. You could accept either the results of these crude models or the less-formal projections by the most experienced meteorologists. The primary focus continued to be on the implications of what we knew.

In 1988, in a move that marked a shift to the politicization of forecasts, Congress asked the Environmental Protection Agency to report on the potential effects of global warming. Computer forecasting became much more complex; output from the huge climate models became input into ecological models. My projection for the little warbler was part of that work. The attempt was to be more realistic, but the result was that forecasts became more difficult to verify and also more alarming, thus drawing more and more public attention.

Thinking over this history, I see three primary uses of environmental computer forecasts: to understand the implications of what we know (Can living things change the global environment?); to know the future; and to influence public behavior. Only the first can be strictly scientific. The third is wandering farther and farther away from science.

Since proving the validity of long-term forecasts is difficult and the ultimate tests would take years, and since many scientists are alarmed at the dire scenarios, my colleagues are beginning to talk about whether it is O.K. to exaggerate and push forecasts that are not currently provable if the only way to get societies to act is to frighten people. I think it is not O.K. It is a short-term view, and even if it works, it will inevitably debase science and scientists.

Soothsayers have always tried to persuade people that they could predict the future. What is new today is that the incredibly powerful tools of science – nuclear weapons, flights to the moon, computers, iPods – have such huge implications for civilization that they may contain the seeds of their own destruction.

Thirty years from now, we will probably not be interested in today’s specific computer forecasts, but we may have lost our faith in science, a deeper and, to me, a more important problem.

Daniel B. Botkin, professor emeritus at University of California, Santa Barbara, and president of the Center for the Study of the Environment, is author of “Discordant Harmonies: A New Ecology for the 21st Century.”

Swarm

In funny, se jie on January 5, 2008 at 2:21 pm

今天在新语丝看见转贴的“双鱼一生”的帖子,批评了李安在访谈中的一段话(参见李安:《色,戒》是撕破脸了):

李安:……张爱玲也没有被人家当作文豪,像傅雷、鲁迅对她的评价:这种小女人写的东西,不是承载那么大的东西。……

作者嘲笑李安同学太无知:张爱玲15岁时鲁迅就死了,怎么可能评价张爱玲的小说?

不知道为什么,从事电影这个行当的,特别容易成为小资眼里深刻的、具备颠覆性思想的学者类形象。还记得《大话西游》是怎么被吹捧为一门哲学的么?我对那股风潮记忆犹新。这种颇像swarm的吹捧潮看来是文化票友的常事,潮起后,每个加入的个体都在相同的方向上来劲。

现在文化票友的风潮之一是见鲁迅就扮皱眉状踩上两脚,鲁迅批评张爱玲小说是“小女人写的东西”这种活灵活现的事情也造出来了,我很好奇其中无中生有的过程是什么——同时好奇的还有片中发誓和汪精卫政权血拼的爱国青年为什么还口占汪的诗。龙应台和李安谈心时听说“(电影《色,戒》中)所有的尺寸都是真的,包括三轮车的牌照和牌照上面的号码”(参见龙应台:我看《色,戒》),于是感慨李导演在“抢救历史”,我建议改为“抢救物品的历史细节、创造人物的历史事件”。

之前提过柿油界同学反对政治化解读《色,戒》,后来的进展是,这些同学支支吾吾地说出喜欢《色,戒》中的政治理念:打仗都是傻逼的、无论如何无正义非正义可言——前提却是这几年这些同学都在吹捧伊拉克战争。我从来不反对对萨达姆这种独夫的战争,即使是没找到大规模杀伤性武器[*],这种战争也并非是完全非正义的。但是我不像这些同学那么灵活、那么可以根据需要随时改变自己的政治见解。

还有的文化票友想参加《色,戒》的swarm,把李导演的一举一动都往深刻上靠,比如表扬三场床戏“很有层次”,作为早年带着螺丝刀看毛片的人[#],我对此表示嘲笑,并且也可以负责地说,毛片上从粗暴到温情早就很普遍,早已“很有层次”。

[*]波普尔生前对记者说,如果萨达姆这种人有大规模杀伤性武器,西方国家就应该发动战争。我想这也适用于伊朗和正日政权。
[#]当年的毛片载体是录像带,大部分录像机只要停电就没法退出带子,这时如果家长回来毛带就成了瓮中之鳖,因此看毛片要准备好螺丝刀,万一停电可以打开录像机的盖子取出毛带。

24C3视频下载

In CCC, Hacking on January 3, 2008 at 5:24 pm